VOICES: Back to the barricades?
The news that Byron Dorgan and Christopher Dodd will not run forreelection has Democrats fretting that they will lose their 60-votesupermajority in the Senate and will no longer be able to get anythingaccomplished.
But what have we got to show, with regard to checking corporateabuses, for the past 12 months of Democratic control over thelegislative branch as well as the White House? Last year this time,excitement over Obama's election and the Democratic gains in Congresspersuaded many activists that great things could once again happen inWashington. The big business agenda would supposedly no longer reignsupreme, and progressives anticipated major legislative gains regardinghealthcare coverage, financial regulation, the climate crisis and unionorganizing.
Now those expectations seem hopelessly naïve. Rather than radicalchanges, we've ended up with a disappointing series of half-measures,quarter-measures, and stalemates.
The biggest frustration is in the healthcare arena. We seem to be onthe verge of getting a new system that will expand coverage and curbsome of the most egregious insurance industry abuses, but theseimprovements come at a high cost. The final bill will likely have astrict individual mandate compelling those without coverage to become customers of a bunch of blood-suckers yet a weak employer mandateallowing many companies to avoid providing decent coverage to theirworkers. It will not seriously regulate insurance rates yet may end uppenalizing union workers who gave up wage increases to get moregenerous benefits. The bill that squeaked through the Senate and isexpected to form the basis of the final legislation is so compromisedthat veteran reformers such as Physicians for a National Health Programhave called for its defeat.
After crippling the economy through reckless investments and forcingmillions of homeowners into foreclosure, the big banks have largelybeen treated with deference by Congressional Democrats and the Obama administration. Nothing has been done to break up institutions deemedtoo big to fail and thus able to extort massive taxpayer-fundedbailouts. Despite loud complaints from bankers used to sumptuous paypackages, the federal government's restrictions on executivecompensation have been pretty indulgent. The bill that passed the Housein December creates a new consumer protection agency for financialservices, but it is unclear how much power it will have. And the billlacks aggressive regulation of the exotic financial instruments thathelped bring about the crisis. Separate legislation on credit cardsthat was enacted curbs some of the industry's most outrageous practicesbut does nothing about usurious interest rates.
The climate bill passed by the House in June not only shunned strictemission limits in favor of the dubious cap-and-trade system, but itwould allow many major polluters to avoid paying for their emissionallowances for up to 20 years. And the overall emission reductions thebill envisions are far below the level needed to make a substantialdent in global warming.
And then there's the Employee Free Choice Act, the key priority ofthe labor movement, which did so much to get Obama and many Democratselected. The legislation has been in suspended animation for manymonths as Senate leaders apparently cannot muster enough votes toovercome intransigent opposition not only from Republicans but alsofrom some Dems. EFCA remained stalled even after the AFL-CIO signaled it was open to compromise on the key issue of card-check organizing.
Overall, corporate interests have been remarkably successful overthe past year in avoiding serious restraints on their freedom ofaction. Much of what the Democrats are accomplishing amounts to the appearanceof reform. It gives the impression that corporate misbehavior is beingaddressed but is actually inoculating business against more stringentregulation. In the case of healthcare, the situation is even worse: Byturning millions into captive customers, Congress is grantingunprecedented power and legitimacy to a discredited industry.
There are plenty of obvious explanations for this dismalperformance. It is easy to point to the corrupting effect of corporatecampaign contributions and lobbying by former Congressional staffers aswell as the pernicious role of conservative Democrats and egomaniacslike Joe Lieberman.
But the progressive movement also deserves some of the blame. Theeuphoria following the 2008 election gave rise to another bout of thedelusion that serious change requires nothing more putting in office acertain number of people with the preferred party designation.
During the 1930s FDR is supposed to have told activists in a privatemeeting: "I agree with you, I want to do it, now make me do it."Although that quote has showed upin several blogs over the past year, the underlying message seems tohave been lost on many of today's activists. With the absence ofsubstantial popular pressure, it has been easier for CongressionalDemocrats to succumb to the siren song of the corporate interests.
Ironically, it has been the woefully ignorant and confused tea partymovement -- serving as a witting or unwitting stalking horse for thecorporate elite -- that has lately shown the power of grassrootsmobilization. Their positions make no sense, but the tea baggers havemade sure that Congressional Republicans maintain a hard-right stanceon everything.
Perhaps we will accomplish more if we return to our own barricades.
