Justice Denied

This article originally appeared in Southern Exposure Vol. 20 No. 4, "Fast Forward." Find more from that issue here.

From listening to the police scanner and reading their own police blotter, the staff at The Herald-Dispatch realized that reports of domestic violence were on the rise in Huntington, West Virginia. Yet court dockets showed no increase in the number of cases being prosecuted.

After weeks of analyzing more than 1,100 cases filed in the courthouse basement, reporter Jeanne Kennedy discovered that only five men charged with domestic violence had gone to jail. West Virginia, she also learned, is the only state in the nation that forbids officers to arrest batterers for probable cause.

Her stories prompted state lawmakers to pass a family-violence bill that strengthens the rights of victims and increases penalties against their abusers.

Other Winners

For investigative reporting in Division Two (circulation between 30,000 and 100,000):

Second prize to Janet Olson of The Wilmington Morning Star for her in-depth examination of the factors behind North Carolina’s choice of ThermalKEM to build a hazardous waste incinerator.

Third prize to the staff of The Montgomery Advertiser for piercing the “no publicity” shield surrounding many police cases, and for prompting an end to this form of censorship.

Huntington, W.Va. — Domestic violence accounts for more than one-fifth of all assaults in Cabell County, but few men are ever arrested, even fewer are tried, and almost no one goes to jail. When it comes to domestic violence, West Virginia’s legal system looks the other way.

The Herald-Dispatch spent several weeks examining how the state and local courts respond to domestic violence. What emerged from the analysis of more than 1,100 assault cases was a pattern of inattention and neglect that women’s rights advocates say must be corrected.

“Really, when it comes down to it, a woman and a bunch of kids aren’t safe. The cops aren’t there to protect you. There’s nobody there. You’re on your own,” says Evelyn Ferguson, a 41-year-old Huntington woman who has taken out two protection orders against her husband since March.

Another battered woman who wanted help from the local court claims that Magistrate Ozell Eplin snored in a back room one night while she waited, bloodied and bruised, to file a domestic warrant. “I hope I never have to go back down there to press charges against anyone again,” says Diane Blankenship, a 30-year-old working mother of two. “It’s just too messed up down there. The system doesn’t work.”

Here are the highlights of the newspaper’s examination of court records:

▼ A man charged with beating up his wife or girlfriend has only a one-in-20 chance of being prosecuted.

▼ The number of people seeking temporary restraining orders against a spouse or lover almost doubled from 1989 to 1990, and the rate is even higher this year.

▼ Of the 228 misdemeanor domestic-violence cases filed last year, only 11 went to trial. Nine ended in convictions — and four of those were guilty pleas. Only five men went to jail.

▼ The circuit court suspended two of the three jail sentences for accused batterers who had appealed — and in the third case, the man didn’t show up for his hearing.

Blankenship, who filed a complaint with the state Judicial Investigation Commission against Eplin, was later told there wasn’t enough evidence for an investigation. Eplin also denies that he did anything wrong.

“It was a disaster,” Blankenship says. “I really don’t know who’s in charge of that system, but they really ought to do something.”

“Sleep with One Eye Open”

One rainy afternoon last November, Kathy Lewis ended more than a decade of abuse with the blast of a 12- gauge shotgun.

The 26-year-old Greenup, Kentucky woman shot her husband, Johnnie, as he came at her with a lead pipe he had just used to smash out the windows of her car. With their three children safely in the house behind them, Kathy fired once at Johnnie, whom she had charged with assault and was supposed to testify against two days later. He fell to the ground, dead, but she got another shell. She says she wasn’t convinced she’d hit him until she saw raindrops fall in his unblinking eyes.

“He always told me if something happened to him before me, he’d haunt me. He swore he would, and he is,” says Kathy, who has nightmares about the shooting. She was sentenced in June to three and a half years in prison.

That’s just one of a number of local domestic violence cases in which, some say, the legal system has failed. Kathy, for example, says she never got to tell a jury about the years of abuse that had sent her to the hospital, a women’s shelter, and finally the courthouse for protection from her husband.

Her court-appointed attorney didn’t think it would matter. “She gave as good as she got,” Greenup lawyer Mark Hardy says flatly. “It really wouldn’t have helped our case.”

Kathy has hired another lawyer and is trying to get a new trial, but the tendency to blame a domestic violence victim for her situation runs deep in both the legal system and the public mentality. And Kathy, now with a felony conviction to her name, is far easier to blame because she pulled a trigger.

“Battered women are despised no matter what they do,” says Karyl Spriggs of the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence. “If they stay, they’re blamed. If they leave or try to protect themselves, they’re blamed. If the batterer follows her and she ends up hurting or killing him, it’s no different.”

The problem, women’s rights advocates say, is that victims of domestic violence also become victims of the legal system. The courts don’t recognize the established cycle of domestic abuse or the power it holds over its victims. The results, too often, are repeated attacks, few prosecutions, and victims like Claudia Young, who are forced to live in terror.

Claudia, a 28-year-old Hurricane woman, spent an afternoon in June crying in the basement of the Cabell County courthouse. While clerks pulled a stack of records on her old boyfriend, she wiped her eyes, clutched her toddler, and spoke of a fear that won’t go away. The man she helped send to prison for beating her unconscious and kidnaping her daughter is up for parole. Two of his friends say he plans to kill Claudia, her new husband, and someone else she fears is her four-year-old daughter.

“What am I supposed to do?” she asks. “They say sleep with one eye open. I’ve heard that from a couple of people in the courthouse. They don’t mean it sarcastically — that’s just all they could tell me. They don’t have any way to protect me.”

Claudia was rare in that she saw her case go through to trial. Usually, victims decide not to prosecute their abusers and instead go back to them. Recent studies show they do that not because they enjoy the violence, but because they feel powerless to leave.

Victims often fear the batterers but tolerate their abuse because they love them, depend on them economically, and hope they will change. Researchers say others may be repeating what they’ve seen between their own parents or are simply trying to keep the marriage from failing.

At the core of every case, they add, is low self-esteem that causes the victims to confuse love with need. A file for one case now awaiting a grand jury, for example, contains a disturbing love letter of sorts from a 23-year-old Huntington woman to her 24-year-old husband. In it, the woman says that she still loves him but that she and their daughter are moving away.

“I tried to drop the charges on you, but I couldn’t get the prosecutor to let me,” she wrote. “They harassed me for days to testify against you, but I wouldn’t. They even subpoenaed me twice. I just thought you should have a second chance at life.”

The man she wants to give a second chance is charged with holding her bound and gagged for three days. Records say he hit her in the head with his fists and in the back with a hammer, all the while threatening to kill her.

— J.K.

Charges Dropped

Such dissatisfaction is not unusual. So far, the county has prosecuted less than five percent of the misdemeanor domestic cases from last year; 24 are still unresolved. For felony charges, only two of 10 were pursued and sent on to a grand jury.

“The magistrate system is where we have most of our problems,” says Sue Julian, co-director of the West Virginia Coalition Against Domestic Violence. “In addition to attitudes that revictimize women, the magistrates interpret the law differently from county to county, even from magistrate to magistrate.”

Cabell Magistrate John McCallister also faults the county court system. He says the number of domestic cases heard by magistrates has tripled over the last five years, leaving magistrates overworked and undertrained. But the problem, he says, also stretches from the police, who often squabble over who should serve legal papers in domestic cases, to the state Supreme Court, which fails to train magistrates on changes in domestic violence laws.

“The system definitely is failing,” McCallister says. “Everybody has to do their job. If everybody doesn’t do what they are sworn to do, it’s not going to work.”

Cabell County Prosecutor Chris Chiles says even the victims aren’t doing their part, and he blames them for the county’s low prosecution rate of domestic cases.

The Herald-Dispatch found that 45 percent of the women who brought charges against their husbands or boyfriends last year later dropped the cases, and another four percent failed to show up for their hearings. The prosecutor’s office itself dropped the charges almost one-third of the time because the victims refused to cooperate, Chiles says.

“Just the fact that 45 percent of them withdraw shows what the victims are after,” he says. “Sometimes I’ve had victims say, ‘If I proceed with this, can you guarantee me he won’t come after me again?’ Unfortunately, I can’t. I can say he won’t do that while he’s in jail and hopefully he’ll learn from his jail time, but I can’t even guarantee that.”

The victims aren’t the only ones frustrated with the system. Huntington police officer Don Maynard remembers a call last August that demonstrated what he sees as the problem in the way the state responds to domestic violence. A Guyandotte man had smashed a .30-06 rifle over the head of his live-in girlfriend. A month later — after one hearing and one continuance — the felony charge was dismissed.

“No, it didn’t surprise me,” Maynard says. “I’ve seen this before, and I still see them together now. It’s sad to say, but if the person who is injured wants to drop the charges in this state, there’s not much we can do.”

 

No Arrest

West Virginia is the only state in the nation that leaves the decision to prosecute a domestic violence case almost entirely up to the victim.

Other states either encourage or require arrests even if a victim doesn’t want to press charges. But in West Virginia, unless police witness an attack, the victim of a misdemeanor assault must sign a warrant before her abuser can be arrested.

That distinction, women’s rights advocates say, practically forces the legal system to look the other way when it comes to domestic violence. “The message is that domestic violence isn’t serious,” says Karyl Spriggs of the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence. “Your state is saying domestic violence isn’t as important a crime as other crimes. It’s like the government is sanctioning domestic crimes, saying it really is okay to beat your wife or girlfriend.”

Under current law, if police respond to a domestic violence call and find evidence of a struggle — furniture overturned, an injured woman crying, and a man rubbing his fist — no arrest can be made unless the woman goes to the courthouse and takes out a warrant. And even if she does, she still has the option to drop the charges later.

Thirteen states, however, have mandatory-arrest laws, which require officers to arrest an abuser without a warrant whenever there is probable cause. The rest have “pro-arrest” laws, which don’t require a warrantless arrest but encourage it. The benefit of both, proponents say, is that they remove the burden of prosecution from the victim, who often fears retaliation, and places it on the state.

“It’s the psychological key to the problem,” says West Virginia lobbyist Conni Lewis. “It’s the state saying, ‘This is wrong. You can’t do that.’ That reduces the likelihood that the cop will be back at the same house again with the same problem.”